"There are reasons to so be given in support of independence which men should rather privately think of, than be publicly told of. We ought not to be debating whether we shall be independent or not, but anxious to accomplish it on a firm, secure and honorable basis, and uneasy rather, that it is not yet begun upon. Every day convinces us of its necessity.

"In short, independence is the only bond that can tie and keep us together. We shall then see our object; and our ears shall be legally shut against the schemes of an intriguing, as well as a cruel enemy.

"Wherefore, instead of gazing at each other, with suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us hold out to his neighbor the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissension. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS OF MANKIND, and of the FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES OF AMERICA."

The last paragraph is a powerful appeal for friendship, even between the Whigs and the Tories, in order to have perfect unity of action in their approaching struggle for Independence.

Mr. Paine, whose father was a Quaker, wrote an "Epistle to Quakers" who were actively assisting the King and his minions in making open and cruel war on the Americans, and at the same time, were censuring the Americans for defending themselves against the merciless attacks of Great Britain, because they said bearing arms was sinful. He says: "O ye partial ministers of your own acknowledged principles! If the bearing of arms be sinful, the first going to war must be more so, by all the difference between wilful attack and unavoidable defence. Wherefore, if ye really preach from conscience, and mean not to make a political hobby-horse of your religion, convince the world thereof by proclaiming your doctrine to our enemies, for they likewise bear arms.”

Other parts of his epistle are very severe on the Quakers for assisting the King to carry on the war.

Here I shall likewise consider some of the pamphlets of "Common Sense," called "The Crisis": Paine wrote his first pamphlet, which he called "The Crisis," on the 23rd of December, 1776, about nine months after the battle of Lexington and something less than six months after the Declaration of Independence. General Washington had met with several reverses in battle,-his army was much depleted by being killed and wounded, by sickness and desertion. Those remaining true to the cause were very much discouraged, poorly clothed, poorly fed and poorly paid. Mr. Paine, then in the army, recognized the necessity of doing something to revive their drooping spirits, and to inspire more patriotism in the people generally. Thereupon he took up his pen again, by the camp-fire at night, when all were asleep around him, and commenced those immortal pamphlets known as "The Crisis" which he continued, at intervals, for five or six years, as the war progressed. It has frequently been said by the most distinguished patriots of those times, that had it not been for the efforts of Thomas Paine, at this critical juncture of affairs, America would never have achieved her independence.

These pamphlets were sixteen in number and embraced 230 pages, consequently, I can only make extracts from them, but the reader should, by all means, read every page of them, in order to appreciate their strength and beauty. The First "Crisis" commences as follows: "These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of his country, but he that stands it now, deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. What we obtain too cheap, we esteem too lightly: 'tis dearness only that gives everything its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed, if so celestial an article as FREEDOM should not be

highly rated. Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to tax) but 'to bind us in all cases whatsoever,' and if being bound in that manner, is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious, for so unlimited a power can belong only to God.

"I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupported to perish, who have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war, by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I so much of the infidel in me, as to suppose that He has relinquished the government of the world, and given us up to the care of the devils; and as I do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up to Heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman, or a house-breaker, has as good a pretence as he.

"Why is it that the enemy have left the New England provinces, and made these middle ones the seat of war? The answer is easy: New England is not infested with Tories, and we are. I have been tender in raising the cry against these men, and used numberless arguments to show them their danger, but it would not do to sacrifice a world to either their folly or their baseness. The period is now arrived, in which either they or we must change our sentiments, or one or both must fall. And what is a Tory? Good God! What is he? I should not be afraid to go with a hundred Whigs against a thousand Tories, were they to attempt to get into arms. Every Tory is a coward; for servile, slavish, self-interested fear is the foundation of Toryism; and a man under such influence, though he be cruel, never can be brave.

"Quitting this class of men, the Tories, I turn with the warm ardor of a friend to those who have nobly stood, and are yet determined to stand the matter out: I call not upon a few, but upon all: not on this state or that state, but on every state; up and help us; lay your shoulders to the wheel;

better have too much force than too little, when so great an object is at stake. Let it be told to the future world, that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive, that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet and repulse it. Say not that thousands are gone, turn out your tens of thousands; throw not the burden of the day upon Providence, but 'show your faith by your works,' that God may bless you. "It matters not where you live, or what rank of life you hold, the evil or the blessing will reach you all. The far and the near, the home counties and the back, the rich and the poor, will suffer or rejoice alike. The heart that feels not now, is dead: the blood of his children will curse his cowardice, who shrinks back at a time when a little might have saved the whole, and made them happy. I love the man that can smile in trouble, that can gather strength from distress, and grow brave by reflection. 'Tis the business of little minds to shrink; but he whose heart is firm, and whose conscience approves his conduct, will pursue his principles unto death.

"My own line of reasoning is to myself as straight and clear as a ray of light. Not all the treasure of the world, so far as I believe, could have induced me to support an offensive war, for I think it murder; but if a thief breaks into my house, burns and destroys my property, and kills or threatens to kill me, or those that are in it, and 'to bind me in all cases whatsoever,' to his absolute will, am I to suffer it? What signifies it to me, whether he who does it is a king or a common man; my countryman or not my countryman; whether it be done by an individual villain, or an army of them? If we reason to the root of things, we shall find no difference; neither can any just cause be assigned why we should punish in the one case and pardon in the other. Let them call me rebel, and welcome, I feel no concern from it. I conceive likewise a horrid idea in receiving mercy from a being, who at the last day shall be shrieking to the rocks and mountains to cover him, and fleeing with

terror from the orphan, the widow, and the slain of America. I thank God that I fear not. I see no real cause for fear. I know our situation well, and can see the way out of it. While our army was collected, Howe dared not risk a battle, and it is no credit to him that he decamped from the White Plains, and waited a mean opportunity to ravage the defenceless Jerseys.

"By perseverance and fortitude we have the prospect of a glorious issue; by cowardice and submission, the sad choice of a variety of evils: a ravaged country, a depopulated city, habitations without safety, and slavery without hope our homes turned into barracks and bawdy-houses for Hessians, and a future race to provide for whose fathers we shall doubt of. Look on this picture and weep over it! and if there yet remains one thoughtless wretch who believes it not, let him suffer it unlamented."

December 23rd, 1776.

The Second "Crisis" is dedicated "To Lord Howe" who was the Commander-in-chief of the British Army in America. He says: "As a military man your lordship may hold out the sword of war, and call it, 'the ultima ratio regum,' the last reason of kings. We in turn can show you the sword of justice, and call it, 'the best scourge of tyrants.' The first of these two may threaten, or even frighten for a while, and cast a sickly langor over an insulted people, but reason will soon recover the debauch, and restore them again to tranquil fortitude. You may issue your proclamations, and welcome, for we have learned to ‘reverence ourselves' and scorn the insulting ruffian that employs you.

""THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA' will sound as pompously in the world or in history, as 'the Kingdom of Great Britain,' the character of General Washington will fill a page with as much lustre as that of Lord Howe.

"The Quakers put forth a testimony, dated the 20th of December, signed, 'John Pemberton,' declaring their attachment to the British government. These men are continually harping on the great sin of our bearing arms, but the King