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as to surprise their representatives into a vote dangerous to their liberties. And it behoves us to be extremely careful in our addresses to the throne, lest we should rather confirm than remove those suspicions. If these have their foundation in truth, and more has been done than can be justified, it certainly behoves us rather to redress, than persist in the wrong. And notwithstanding what the honourable and learned gentleman has said against rescinding, it is no dishonour to this House to retract a hasty vote, nor is it without precedent. Acts of the whole legislature are frequently repealed, when they are found injurious or even disagreeable to the people; and it cannot surely be contended, that a vote of one branch of the legislature is more sacred than a solemn act of the whole. The practice of the inferior courts, which the honourable and learned gentleman seems better acquainted with than the proceed ings of parliament, is no rule for this House. The decisions of this House are cognizable nowhere but in this House, and never to acknowledge itself to be in the wrong, would be to arrogate infallibility, which only one earthly power hath thought fit yet to claim. If the people's suspicions are without cause, they are general and strong; let us not therefore cherish ill-humour, but as we are the representatives of

the people, let us endeavour by every lenient method, to give the people satisfaction.

"The words that have now been read, do not seem to be calculated for that purpose, but rather to increase the popular jealousy and discontent. The minister by artfully introducing into the speech, his Majesty's sense of the conduct to which the words refer, had no doubt a design to impose upon the nation, an opinion that the proceedings of the House upon a late occasion, were perfectly agreeable to his Majesty; an opinion than which nothing can be more injurious to his Majesty, nothing more offensive to the people. The unprecedented decision of the majority of this House, with regard to the Middlesex election, has spread a gloom throughout the whole kingdom; every brow is clouded, and every heart is heavy*. The freedom of election is the sacred palladium of English liberty t; and when that is violated, it

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* See Junius Letter xvi, 19th July, 1769, also Letter XXXIX, 28th May, 1770.

+ This speech was made long before Junius's dedication of his letters to the English nation, wherein he says, "Let it be impressed upon your minds, let it be instilled into your children, that the liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political, and religious rights of an Englishman." In this instance, palladium is applied to the press, in Lord George's speech, to elections.

cannot be long before our constitution is in ruins. It is not enough that the majority who decided the question, are satisfied with the rectitude of their intentions; or that they did not mean to break in upon that freedom; the people must be satisfied. Their all is at stake; they apprehend that is in danger, and therefore they have a right to demand security. The powerful influence that operates in this House is too visible. The people see it and dread it. But a snare is now laid to involve our Sovereign in the gulph of his corrupt administration; to draw him in as a party, and to countenance the desperate measures of his ministers; a snare which it is to be hoped this House will break. Whoever can concur in offering such indignity to his Sovereign, is neither a good senator nor a good subject. He can have no worthy conception of the exalted character of a great prince, nor of the inestimable value of the liberty of a free people. Even if the words, excepted against, are suffered to pass, then it will be understood, that his Majesty approves the violation of which the people complain. And though his Majesty, in the generous unsuspecting frankness of his nature, may not perceive to what an unhappy catastrophe the perfidy of his ministers may lead, yet surely it is the duty of his parliament to guard him against the insidious artifices of

those, who having rendered themselves odious by their conduct, have nothing more to do, but to render themselves secure by their cunning. Does not every one perceive, that if this House is led to address his Majesty for his approbation of the proceedings of this House, or in other words, for the favourable opinion he entertains of its conduct, the people will immediately conclude, that he approves of the election of a representative*, whom the majority of the electors do not approve, and against whom the petitions of the people have been chiefly directed; that, as their petitions remain yet unanswered, this is intended as one general answer; and that the grievances of which they complain, will find no redress; that their beneficent father to whom their humble petitions were addressed, has, by evil counsellors, been determined against them; and that now, every dawn of hope, every glimmering of comfort, is quenched for ever, exempt from free remonstrances, or the last appeal. Was the cause of complaint of less importance, the clamours of the people would be less general. But the people are in agitation throughout the whole British Empire. They wait with loyal hearts, in expectation that their representatives will interest themselves in their behalf; if they are disappointed, that disap

* Colonel Luttrell

pointment may lead to despair, and the event may be dreadful. Perhaps it is no uncharitable supposition that the wary abettors of these alarming measures, may hope by these repeated outrages to provoke the spirit of the people to the last extremity, with a view to wreak their vengeance upon such as are brave enough to risk their lives in the support of the Constitution. They may wish for a repetition of the bloody massacre in St. George's Fields*, or for a more bloody warfare among the petitioners. In that general confusion they may hope to escape, or perish in the tumult with honester men. If this be their hope, appearances are strong in their favour. The people are already sensible of the malignity of their hearts, and are ripe for doing themselves justice, if justice is denied them in the ordinary course. Nor are the perpetrators of these wrongs insensible of the people's inclinations, or remiss in preparation to give them a hostile reception; why else are troops marching at this peaceable juncture, from all quarters of the capital? why else an order for the augmentation of troops in a sister island? why a reinforcement of our army at home with three regiments of neighbouring mercenaries? Is it possible that an English House of Commons can see

* See Miscellaneous Letters of Junius, 19th May, 1768, 30th August, 1768, also Letters 27th February, 1772, and 10th March, 1772.

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